18/08/2005versione stampabilestampainvia paginainvia



Bloodshed undermines the credibility of peace negotiations between armed opponents
FarcIn Colombia, the war goes on. Death and refugees continue to be the main characters in the never-ending story of violence in this South American country. Despite President Alvaro Uribe’s efforts to do everything possible to show the world an image of Colombia as a country on the path to stability, reality tells a different tale. As shown by recent attacks.
 
The facts. Four persons were killed on Sunday, August 14, in the heart of the Norte de Santander region in Colombia’s northeast near the Venezuelan border: two Catholic priests, Vicente Rozo and Ramón Emilio Mora, and two construction workers at the local police station, Miguel Carrascal and Edgar Vergel. All were aboard the same automobile at 11:30 in the morning. Apparently, an armed group fired from the dense vegetation along the road that leads to the village of Teorema, approximately twenty kilometers from El Diviso,where the ambush took place. The police command in the area attributes the attack to FARC rebels, in retaliation against anyone working to build the police barracks.
There are two versions of the events, however, and both have been  reported by Monsignor Fabián Marulanda, General Secretary of the Colombian Conference of  Bishops.  In harshly condeming the attack, Monsignor Marulanda stated, “Some say the attack was aimed at a car containing suspected paramilitary soldiers,  and therefore the murder of two priests was a grave  mistake. Others  say that the two priests were intentionally murdered, because they had gone to the area to begin a dialogue with the guerrillas.”
 
Normal Routine.  Although  yet to be resolved,  this killing joins a list that grows almost daily. On both sides of the conflict, the number of dead multiplies rapidly. A bare chronicle of the last week tells it all: On  the seventh of the month, a bicylce loaded with explosives goes off in front of the cathedral in Arauca, the capital of a regional department with the  same name, wounding six. Four are bystanders and two are policemen.  The bicycle-bomb was parked  in the city center, in Simon Bolivar Park, a few steps from the Santa Barbara cathedral. The police commander says  that such  attacks are  usually carried out by ELN or FARC  guerrillas. Two days later, on the ninth,  skirmishes between ELN guerrillas and paramilitaries of the  United Self-Defense of Colombia (AUC) in the Madre  Seca department of Antioquia province kill seven and leave three wounded. The preceding week  was no different: On  August first, in the southern area of Putumayo, combat between FARC and  regular army forces caused the  death of two farmers as they fled from gunfire along  with thirty other villagers. Eleven persons are  missing  since the battle. On August second, when  peace talks were about to begin between FARC and  the government, a  roadside bomb exploded in  the Sierra Nevada  mountains  in Cesar province, killing fourteen soldiers and wounding another fifteen. The first indications are that the attack was carried out by FARC.
 
What Peace? Is it appropriate, therefore, to speak of Colombia as a country on the road to peace? But that’s what President Uribe has  been doing since he came to power, whether flourishing the Patriot Plan or praising the demobilization agreed on with the paramilitaries.  He is being contradicted by participants in the agreements, defenders of human  rights, and international observers who see more victims of the war every day. Their voices so far have been suffocated by indifference. Now Human Rights Watch has entered the arena with a charge that the president’s demobilization agreement is a farce, a trick to clear the names of militias guilty of massacres of civilians. Six thousand fighters have participated in the collective demobilization which began in 2003, but up until April, 2005, only six have been held to face charges for thousands of atrocities. A  sixty-four page HRW report entitled, “Appearances are Deceiving” includes a series of interviews conducted with demobilized paramilitaries, which reveal that the process is not building peace as much  as whitewashing the penal records of  assassins  who now plan to take up arms as regular soldiers.
 
Washing Dirty Linen Privately. “It’s a farce. It’s a way  of silencing the system, turning  its face away and starting again from another place,” one paramilitary told HRW interviewers, after having participated in one  of the public demobilization ceremonies, in which fighters hand over their arms and camouflage gear. The report goes on to say that, “no “repentant” paramilitaries have confessed or paid back any of the goods they extorted, nor are they providing important information on the criminal networks or the financing behind the paramilitary groups. Nor are they respecting  the ceasefire imposed by the  agreement. On  the contrary, the most  recent paramilitary massacre took place only two weeks ago, in the rural San Miguel zone of Putumayo on the border with Ecuador,  where 25 peasants were murdered. This is an area controlled by the guerrillas, where FARC  has imposed a blockade that isolates it from  the rest of the  country.”
The shortage of necessities and the destruction of electric energy sources are creating a  humanitarian crisis, which the combat between rival factions makes still more grave as they drag in innocent, unarmed civilians. Hundreds of peasant families have been driven from  their homes in search of economic survival and safety.
 
Farc Guarantees and Conditions. And what about the peace process with FARC? It’s on pause. The leftist guerrillas, who continue to attack military objectives, killing both soldiers and innocents, have accepted a proposal by the families of the hostages they have been holding for years to exchange their hostages for FARC guerrillas in government prisons. President Uribe has also acccepted this proposal. FARC imposes one condition: the exchange must take place in a demilitarized zone, one  that is totally neutral. In a document written in the Colombian mountains and signed on August fourteenth, the FARC Secretariat asks the hostage families to propose to the government an area between the municipalities of Florida and Pradera, which must be made neutral and secure for thirty days. Citing military reasons, FARC refuses an earlier government proposal to carry out the exchange near the town of Calcedonia. “Always and without exception,” states the FARC letter, “and despite international observers, contacts between FARC and various governments have led to military provocations that must be avoided now more than ever, as they could definitively complicate any possibility.” The statement concludes, “We are most interested in specifying the terms and realizing the exchange, but with full guarantees.” There is nothing to do but await the government’s response.
 
Stella Spinelli